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          2012年一貫道彰化縣舉辦燈會的方向與目標 2012年一貫道彰化縣舉辦燈會的方向與目標 俗語說:「萬事起頭難」,一貫道自從師尊師母於民國十九年領授天命,至今已經八十三年了。,今年一貫道在鹿港參與燈會,將一貫道的道義,傳道過程,介紹給國人知道,將會引起世人矚目的焦點。一貫道傳道其間,雖然歷經了總總的困難與考驗,但是一貫道弟子內心充滿著希望與理想,期待明日會有更好的美景,所以能夠將橫阻在眼前的困擾當成墊腳石,雖苦猶榮。 九份民宿然而,當成果展現於眼前,也就是在雀躍之際,猶如調緊的弦,一下子放鬆了,難免容易讓後學喪失鬥志,也正如前賢的訓示:「創業維艱,守成更難。」今日我們擁有少許的成就,有無數前賢的犧牲奉獻,尤其是今日有仁德的政府對一貫道的解禁,一貫道世界總會成立,世界各國分會逐一成立,道親們對己身的修持,更應當嚴謹,千萬不可以因為別人放鬆對我們的督視,而放鬆了自己的言行。 裝潢使過去的辛勞功虧一簣。 今日一貫道的道親遍佈海內外,人數也逐日累進,我們不可以因此而沾沾自喜。今日放眼所及的各大宗教,會有如此的成就,且能長年不朽的屹立於世界上,更是有他們深得世人景仰與內心禮拜的含義。然而一貫道歷史淵遠流長,並非新興宗教,只因為過去為暗渡良賢,今日方得應運普傳。得道修持著,方有超越其他宗教之勢,此乃是時勢所然,決非人力之所能強為。所以今日我們 土地買賣應該順從天意,做好救世、醒世、化世的神聖工作,方不辜負天恩師德的加被。 然而,一貫道要永垂於世,永遠的傳揚於千秋萬世,要建立一套完美的修持制度(目前一貫道總會已經完成一貫道通適教材五大冊),內聖外王的功夫齊備,讓世界人類所接受遵循,這要從個人做起,讓每一個修行者,先建立起健全的思想理念,確認道真、理真、天命真,而此中心思想乃須由良心所發,若非由良心所發,則必然是不正確的思想。理 賣房子念思想不正確,修行一定不能持久,最後受到物質的引誘而墮落,不能自拔矣。一個人的修持理念正確,思想與行動合一,就是知行合一,一切行動均要配合道德教育,方不會受到社會的酒、色、財、氣所污染而迷失方向。如此,在良好的道場環境學習,日久才會養成良好的生活習慣,讓身、心、意清靜,品德高尚,人格圓滿,修人道以達天道,圓融十方,以達到人格的健全,必能淨化世道人心,讓社會更祥和,人心更純正。 以上乃是一貫 信用貸款道弟子應該建立的人格教育,然而,我們不可以只獨善其身,實應該兼善天下,做好各項慈善義舉,以拋磚引玉的方式,引導世人的跟進,方是真正的善行,也是一貫道弟子對同胞的服務。尤其一貫道對學術的研究,更應是當務之急。中國過去號稱泱泱大國,為禮義之邦,倫理道德為中華文化的精粹,是安定社會人心的主要良方,這些優良的傳統,在一貫道道場保存的很好,而且道親信受奉行,比學校教育、社會教育實施的更為徹底,更見功效,這是一貫道 褐藻醣膠優於任何宗教的地方。一貫道是具體實施儒家思想的宗教,其思想乃是傳承中國自古以來的中道思想,博大精深,乃是傳承數千年來優美傳統文化所致也,又傳襲各家經典,其功不可沒也。一貫道以宏揚儒家的學術研究,其間亦融入各家的學術精華,做為日後修行的方針,將真理融入於日常詢用間,讓生活就是道場也。經典乃是歷代聖人言行的結晶,無非是渴望世人能引迷入悟,引導眾生由黑暗走向光明,更何況四海之內皆兄弟,同在同一屋簷下生活的眾生,更是要攜手合作,同 售屋網心同德,以無緣大悲,同體大悲的慈悲心,引導他們邁向光明的大道,都能沾到天恩師德的加被,敢上這次三期大開普渡的佳期良緣,所謂一失人身,萬劫難遇,實乃是千古名言。 目前地球受到溫室效應所影響,根據報導南極、北極冰山不斷的溶化,再經過二十年以後,南極、北極的冰山不見了;天山的冰雪不斷溶化,地球海平面不斷上昇,馬爾地夫的海島,80%都被海水所淹沒,現在世界各國的颱風、地震、新流感、颶風、水災、火災、天然災害到處可見,社會治安不斷惡化,不知道各宗教 訂做禮服有何妙方,來挽救末劫的來臨?一貫道不但宏揚般若正法,對淨化人心講座,各種慈善社會福利事業的推動,更是不遺餘力,我們不寄望只是錦上添花,而是要雪中送炭,本著孔老夫子格、致、誠、正、修、齊、治、平的功夫,推己及人,由邇及遠,先修好自己,再讓整個社會、國家能安和樂利,共同分擔幫助受困的人,讓大同世界的理想早日實現。 今年臺灣省燈會,在鹿港鎮舉行,一貫道參與此次的盛會,希望將一貫道的尊貴與殊勝,以及師尊、師母、老前人、前人們弘道的艱辛歷程,傳道經過,展現在國人的 房屋貸款眼前,期許尚未求道的眾生,趕快求道,找到自己的本來面目,再積極修辦,才能了脫六道輪迴之苦,返本歸鄉。也希望已經求過道的前賢大德們,趕快接近佛堂,參與道務運作,行功立德,讓道務更加鴻展。也期待各組線的前賢大德們,立足臺灣,放眼大陸,胸懷世界,將大道弘揚至世界萬國九州,讓天下億萬眾生都能求道、修道,接受天恩師德的加被,齊脫苦海,共同航向清靜光明的彼岸。   .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 澎湖民宿  .

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          本週精選--Wa Army to Celebrate 20th Anniversary Wa Army Wa Army to Celebrate 20th Anniversary By WAI MOE Wednesday, April 8, 2009 The largest armed cease-fire group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), will hold what it calls its 20th Anniversary of “peace building” on April 17. As an indication of what might be meant by “peace building,” since late 2008, the UWSA has begun using the term “government” in many of its communications. For instance, in the invitations sent out for its 20th anniversary, the Wa refer to themselves as the “Wa State Government, Burma’s Special Region 2.” In the 2008 Constitution, endorsed by the Burmese junta, certain UWSA controlled areas were given the status of an autonomous region. However, observers note that the UWSA has not yet declared its position in the 2010 election. When high-ranking Burmese officials visi 房屋買賣t the Wa region to discuss the election, Wa leaders reportedly call for a review of the constitution, according to sources. Ahead of the 2010 election, like other ethnic ceasefire groups, the UWSA has been under pressure by the junta to join the election under the new constitution which calls for the disarmament of ceasefire groups following the election. The UWSA has an estimated 20,000 troops based in northern and southern Shan State led by Bao You-Xiang, the former commander of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) 683 Brigade. The Wa army is the largest armed group among ethnic non-ceasefire and ceasefire groups. The Wa made up the rank and file of the CPB until they turned against the party’s predominantly Burman leadership in April 1989, one month after Kokang troops mutinied. The UWSA a 代償nd its political wing, the United Wa State Party, were officially formed in November 1989. In 1989, the UWSA signed a cease-fire agreement with the Burmese military junta under then Secretary 1 Brig-Gen Khin Nyunt, who offered business concession deals and autonomy for the armed groups. Analysts say ceasefire agreements with insurgent groups could be dangerous for the junta in the future because they are mostly based on the junta’s urgency to minimize internal security threats rather than involve long-term political negotiations and underlying solutions to the ethnic conflicts in Burma. “Such groups pose a future threat to [Burma’s] national security and sovereignty, not least because they could still muster considerable fire-power to protect their ‘business interests,’” said the International Crisis Gro 找房子up in a report. Geopolitics played a significant role in the defection of the Wa and Kokang from the CPB. The beginning of the end of the CPB armed struggle in Burma began in the late 1970s when the late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping decided to establish government-to-government relations between the two countries and subsequently reduced Chinese assistance to the CPB, starting in 1978. In the early 1980s, Beijing told the CPB that it must survive or fall on its own initiative. Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former member of the CPB and a political analyst on the Sino-Burma border, said that there were two reasons behind the Wa and Kokang overthrow of the CPB: China’s policy shift and a leadership crisis within the CPB. Following the Wa and Kokang ceasefires with the junta, more than a dozen other armed groups followed. From 1989 to 1995, 17 seoinsurgent groups signed ceasefires with the ruling generals, according to official Burmese reports. “Before the Wa and Kokang ceasefires, the Burmese army used five light infantry divisions to control the CPB troops in northeastern Burma,” Aung Kyaw Zaw recalled. “But after the ceasefire, four light infantry divisions were withdrawn from the area and sent to other parts of the country to battle with other armed groups.” The Wa, which has bases mainly along the Sino-Burma border, still prefers to use the Chinese currency, the yuan, rather than the Burmese kyat, in their areas. China and the UWSA are also connected through the arms trade. According to the Jane’s Intelligence Review of May 2008, the UWSA acts as the “middleman” between Chinese arms manufacturers and insurgent groups seeking independence in northeast India.“The case o 小型辦公室f the UWSA in Myanmar[Burma] appears to afford strong evidence, albeit circumstantial, of the overlap between small arms sales to a non-state actor and China’s ‘second track’ foreign policy goals in a country of crucial strategic importance,” according to Jane’s Intelligence Review Burma’s ceasefire agreements have also produced some of biggest drug lords in the world. According to reports by the US State Department, the UWSA remains “the dominant heroin trafficking group in Southeast Asia, and possibly worldwide.”  The US offers a US $2 million reward for Wei Hsueh-Kang, a UWSA leader, for information leading to his arrest or conviction in the US. In an academic paper, David Arnott, a scholar on Burma affairs, wrote: “The [ceasefire] terms amounted to freedom for the groups to produce and traffic in opiates in exchange for a cease-fire with Ran 租房子goon and an agreement not to form alliances with other insurgencies opposed to Rangoon.” Analysts say opium production is a traditional business for various ethnic groups, including the Wa and Kokang in Shan State, where other commercial crops are difficult to cultivate successfully. In the late 1960s, the CPB conducted an anti-opium campaign in its controlled areas which caused a famine in many areas. Later, the CPB stopped the Chinese-backed anti-opium campaign. By 1982, the CPB depended on the opium trade for its survival and when defecting units of Wa troops overthrew the CPB, the opium trade passed into the hands of powerful Wa warlords who saw an opportunity to take control of the operations. Wa leaders have consistently maintained that they are working for Wa autonomy and economic development in Wa areas, especially since the signing of the cease-fire agreement with the 室內裝潢junta. Aung Kyaw Zaw, who has observed the Wa since the 1960s, noted: “During nearly 20 years of ceasefire, the Wa leaders have done community development, such as opening school for Wa children.” “The most important thing the Wa leaders have done in two decades is foster Wa nationalism. Now Wa young people identify with the idea of a Wa state and Wa autonomy,” he said. The Wa ambition for an autonomous Wa state in Shan State could be the spark of potential conflict in the future, observers say, especially in light of the majority Shan ethnic group in the state. Currently, in return for the ceasefire agreement, which has allowed the Wa commanders to profit from the narcotics trade, the UWSA also acts as a strategic proxy force against other rebel groups such as the Shan State Army-South, noted Jane’s Intelligence Review .http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15456&page=1 Panghsan 室內設計g City Founding of Wa army to be celebrated Tuesday, 07 April 2009 10:56 S.H.A.N. It is not known how many news agencies will be represented there. Since 14 March, hundreds of non-permanent residents without residence permits were ordered to leave the city, following reports that attempts would be made to sabotage the celebrations. “You will also be fined Y 1,000 ($147) if you can’t show any temporary stay cards,” said a Shan truck driver. “I know that, because I was among those who had to pay the fine.” The heightened security in Panghsang is on a par with the increasingly strained relations between the Wa and Naypyitaw that has demanded the former’s disarmament. “The Wa are practically under siege now,” said an officer from its southern ally, National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS). “So are we.”  The Wa mutiny on 17 April 1989 followed the rebellion by its 襯衫 northern neighbor Kokang on 11 March 1989, a month earlier. The two incidents had put down the 4-decade long armed struggle waged by the Beijing-backed Communist Party of Burma (CPB). The two and their allies since then have been on an uneasy truce with the country’s military rulers.The United Wa State Army will be celebrating the 20th anniversary of its founding on 17 April, regarded by many Asian countries including Burma as the New Year’s Day, according to sources on the Sino-Burma border. Scanty details say festivities will begin on Wednesday, 15 April. Security has been tightened and no individual outsider, without strong recommendations “from those responsible,” will be allowed entry, according to a security officer in Panghsang, the Wa capital opposite Menglian, Yunnan province. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2526:founding-of-wa-army-to-be-celebrated&catid=85:politics&Itemid= 商務中心266  .

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          中國正出現第三波移民潮 中華人民共和國地理位置 中國正出現第三波移民潮 撰文 Bertil Lintner 2007/04/19, 週四 清邁 --- 在泰國北部城市清邁的機場大廳裏,中國入境旅客在登機閘前排起了一條歪歪扭扭的長隊,準備搭乘飛往曼谷的航班。閒談之間,他們使用的並非早已在泰國北部市集上流行起來的潮汕方言,而是中國大陸的純正普通話。他們不是遊客。西裝革履以及公文包和手機,說明他們是要到曼谷尋找商機的商人,又或是尋找工作的專業人才。總而言之,他們是新一波的中國移民。早在10年前,中國人就已經開始移居泰國,並且在清邁這樣的北部城市開設了許多商鋪和食肆。然而中國的移民潮,卻讓越來越多的泰國人感到忐忑不安。“身為泰國人,我覺得自己被包圍了,”一名居住在清邁的泰國婦女對記者說。“當然,中國人的南遷從幾百年前就已經開始了。可是這麼多的商人到這裏來定居,是我們前所 褐藻醣膠未見的。”除泰國以外,緬甸和老撾的北部地區、柬埔寨、太平洋群島、澳洲、美國、俄羅斯遠東以至日本,都是中國人的移居地。最近,入境相對日本較容易的南韓,也成了中國合法及非法移民的熱門選擇。以往中國移民多數使用的是地區方言,民族意識相對不強,反而只對自己生長的家鄉有更濃厚的感情。然而新一代的中國移民不僅會講普通話,而且也具有較強的中華民族意識。一些漢學家將近來的移民熱,稱為中華民族外遷的“第三波”。這股熱潮在中國歷史上是前所未見的,因為新一代移民主要來自中國的北部和中部地區。而由於國內外交通愈加便利,所以“第三波”移民潮的規模將會是空前的。安德魯.福爾拜斯(Andrew Forbes)是一位研究中國問題逾20年的英國學者。他說:“新一波的中國移民和以前的移民相比大不相同。他們是在一個空前統?裝潢@的國家裏成長的……新移民都熱愛並忠於自己的祖國。”匈牙利知名漢學家帕爾.尼日(Pal Nyiri)也持同樣的看法:和上一代移民不同,新一波中國移民並不認為移居海外,就等於拋棄了中國人的身份。他指出,新中國移民不會將自己看作異國的少數族群,而是作為人口居世界首位的中華民族一員。中國不僅是他們的民族文化淵源,同時還是他們成功創業的基礎,而他們仍將繼續投資和開發中國市場。北京看移民中國政府也許不會主動鼓勵新一波的移民熱潮。但是由於中國存在人口過剩和資源匱乏等現實問題,大規模的人口外遷,對中國統治者而言還是有利的。首先,中國目前的失業率較高、百萬待業大軍嗷嗷待哺,新一波的移民潮恰恰起到了維持社會穩定的閥門作用。第二,海外華僑向國內家屬寄回的外匯匯款,是國民收入的重要來源。第三,從長遠看,人口外遷有助於加 買屋網強中國在經濟等各方面的國際影響力。為了更好地理解中國政府看待移民潮的態度,尼日找到了一篇援引中國國務院《關於開展新移民工作的意見》的雜誌報道。以下是節選自該文件的部分內容:“自改革開放以來,離開中國大陸到海外定居的人(簡稱為‘新移民’)越來越多。他們正崛起成為海外華僑和華人族群的一支重要力量。將來他們還會成為美國和其它發達西方國家中,親華力量的骨幹。加強新移民工作,對於推動我國的現代化建設、促成祖國統一大業、擴大我國影響力,以及發展我國與移居國家的關係等,都具有重要的現實意義和廣泛深遠的影響。”尼日的祖國匈牙利,也是中國新移民的選擇之一。15年前,移居匈牙利的中國人少之又少。然而,東歐社會主義國家相繼發生政權交迭,從而為私人企業家打開了新的市場。諷刺的是,有不少私人企業家正是來自中國這個由共產黨統治的最?代償嶀@個大國。目前匈牙利境內的華人,約在2萬到4萬人之間,他們多數是從俄羅斯遠東地區的海參崴市乘坐長途火車來的。中國不斷上升的政治和經濟影響力,無疑增強了新一代中國移民的民族自信心和自豪感。可是這種感情卻成為了導致新移民與舊移民關係緊張的因素之一。舊移民擔心,新移民外向高調的民族主義表現,可能會再次激起當地人潛伏的厭華甚至是排華情緒。這些擔心並非毫無根據。1999年5月,300名新華僑聚集在柬埔寨首都金邊的美國大使館外,強烈抗議美國轟炸中國駐南斯拉夫大使館。隨後,一些已在柬埔寨定居了數十年的華人舉行了反示威遊行。他們反問示威者說:“你們不是我們的同胞。波爾布特時期,你們的人殺了我們的人。” 波爾布特的紅色高棉政權於1975至1979年統治柬埔寨,並得到了北京的支持。在其統治之下,大批柬埔寨人被殺害,華人所受迫害尤其嚴重。在緬甸北部城?澎湖民宿城瓞w勒(Mandalay),新來的中國移民出錢購買商舖、餐館、酒店、KTV吧,也出錢購買護照證件。由於華僑比當地人更加富有,所以緬甸政府不願意嚴格執行移民法。1990年第一波中國移民開始遷入曼德勒,當時緬甸著名小說家Nyi Pu Lay出版了一本名叫《莽蛇》(The Python)的小說,諷刺中國移民壓榨緬甸人,結果竟然被當局逮捕並判處了10年監禁。最早在緬甸定居的華僑多為福建人和廣東人,他們對這種民族間的緊張關係感到很是焦慮。1967年緬甸深陷經濟危機時,曾有大批緬甸人衝進首都仰光的唐人街搶劫,並燒毀了很多華人商鋪。老一代的緬甸華僑提起這一事件,仍然是心有餘悸。當代移民熱引發新一輪中國移民潮的原因是什麼呢?羅格斯大學(Rutgers University)刑事司法學院教授陳國霖(Ko-lin Chin)是一位在緬甸出生的華人。他說,1978年中美恢復外交關係,為爭取美國的最惠國待遇,中國在1979年放寬了移?裝潢薊k的限制,於是移民潮隨之出現。陳教授解釋說:“從80年代開始,一些沒有合法渠道移民的中國人便開始嘗試偷渡。”因此,中國人口外遷,具有部分非法性質,但同時也是一項利潤豐厚的“行業”。1980年代,中國在鄧小平的領導下實行經濟改革開放,從而為中國人尋找海外商機鋪平了道路。從人民公社到土地私有化的轉變、國有企業的“下崗”改革以及沿海省市快速的工業化進程等因素,在導致社會混亂問題的同時,也刺激了移民潮。而偷渡客很快便發現了各種各樣規避國內外移民法的門道。比如說,有偷渡客徒步從中國進入泰國,接著從曼谷飛往羅馬尼亞首都布加勒斯特——這是前往歐洲最便宜的機票,然後再偷偷潛入鄰近的歐盟國家。本月早些時候,新加入歐盟的羅馬尼亞已開始輸入中國勞工,以解決紡織業勞力不足的問題。還有的則偷渡到像關島、維爾京群島或波多黎各等邊境搜查較寬鬆的地方,作為進入美國本土的跳板。西方國家 太平洋房屋的情報人員估計,從1978年開始,中國合法及非法移民將近200萬人,每年移居到美國的人數約為3到4萬人,移居到其它國家的人數總和也大約是這個數字。陳教授和其他中國移民問題專家認為,這是中國歷史上出現的第三次大規模移民熱潮。據稱,第一次移民潮出現在1644年明朝滅亡之後。許多南方人由於反對滿清統治,而遷移到了東南亞國家。如今,這些最早的華僑已經控制了東南亞大部分的經濟生產。第二次移民潮則發生在19世紀中後期,清朝沒落、中國陷入軍閥割據局面之際。這撥移民同樣主要來自南方的沿海省市地區,他們不僅進一步壯大了東南亞華人族群的勢力,而且還乘坐著面世不久的蒸汽船,來到了北美和澳洲。外遷的民族主義中國問題專家福爾拜斯指出,第三撥移民卻是來自中國大陸的各個地方。現代化的陸路和空路交通,為遷移提供了便利。他說,與前兩次相比,第三次移民潮將對移居地國家產生更深遠的經濟和社會影響。比方說,經偷渡潛入日本?住商房屋漱什磥H,在人數上已經超過了那些在橫濱、神戶等港口城市世代定居的華僑。俗稱“蛇頭”的偷渡組織,通過水路和空路將“人蛇”運到日本,又或是利用教育交流項目的漏洞,將偷渡客假扮成交流學生入境,並從中賺取高額的費用。由於日本勞工法十分嚴密,許多偷渡者只能在由黑幫控制的酒吧和夜店工作。如今,由華人組建的幫派,已經開始挑戰日本本土黑社會。在東京和大阪,來自中國上海、福建和北京等地的黑幫分子,常與日本黑幫爆發衝突和槍戰。新一波人口遷移的“中國化”特徵,還可能改變移居地國家或地區的人口結構。比方說,移居美國的中國人會成為“美籍華人”,而移居澳洲則會成為“澳籍華人”。但是移居到俄羅斯遠東地區的中國人,卻不可能變成“俄籍華人”,因為他們心理上所認同的國籍,是中國而非俄羅斯。同樣地,那些移居到太平洋島國的華人,仍然保持著較強的中華民族意識,而不會效忠於接納他們的國家。在許多方面,這情況早有先例。在18和 小型辦公室19世紀,歐洲人就曾大批遷移到其它大陸,並成立了美國、加拿大、澳洲、新西蘭等國家。中國移民並非要建立自己的殖民地,但是如果他們的人數超過了當地人口,這勢必會改變當地的民族、社會和政治結構。即使他們只是形成一個強大的少數群體,他們的政治影響力也將不容小視。“第三波”中國移民潮的確起到了鞏固中國影響力的作用,尤其對於中國鄰近國家的影響力。緬甸和老撾都與中國建立了親密的經濟及軍事關係,而泰國與中國在貿易、文化和政治方面的交流也越發頻繁。中國還是柬埔寨最親近的盟友和援助提供者。在太平洋地區,中國的影響力正在擴大,而美國的影響力正在縮小。不管怎麼說,大規模的人口外遷,正在幫助中國崛起成為一個世界強國。本文作者Bertil Lintner原是《遠東經濟評論》記者,撰有《Great Leader, Dear Leader: Demystifying North Korea under the Kim Clan》一書。 http://www.atchinese.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=32513&Itemid=47 膠原蛋白  .

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          買F-16C/D真的能解決空防問題嗎? 本文刊登在玉山周報第38期,2010.3.4-3.10 近日國內媒體紛紛引述美國國防情報局向國會提出的《台灣空防報告》指出,台灣空軍面臨現役戰機戰力不足的問題,甚至有媒體形容空軍戰力「不堪一擊」,無法有效對抗中國新一代戰機。究竟這是事實,還是軍火商推銷武器的一貫策略,值得探討。媒體引用報告錯誤百出  美國國防情報局(Defense Intelligence Agency, 簡稱DIA) 是根據1961年8月1日的國防部命令成立的,隸屬於美國國防部,主要業務為從事蒐集美國以外國家軍情報活動。目前,國防情報局約有五千餘名雇員,包括1000名軍官,預算約在2~3億美元之間。  《台灣空防報告》(Taiwan Air Defense Status Assessment)發表背景為美國國會在去(2009)年10月通過的《2010年度國防援權法案》。該法案要求美國國防部應在三個月內,就台灣的空防現況、展望、如何強化台海空防等事項,向國會提出 東森房屋報告。《台灣空防報告》原定在1月底提交,但因相關資料蒐集及內部審核工作,而延遲至2月中旬才呈送美國國會。報告由說明函、非機密報告及機密部分組成。  非機密報告部份,對於台灣空軍戰力做了簡單描述。台灣現役400架戰機,包括146架F-16A/B、126架IDF經國號、56架幻象2000-5與60架F-5E/F。但是實際具備運作的戰機,遠低於國防部公佈的數量。同時,這些飛機也都擁有許多問題有待克服。  台灣的F-16A/B能搭載AIM-120C先進中程空對空飛彈,具備視距外空戰能力。台灣可能考慮對這批F-16A/B進行航電、戰場生存性等性能提昇計畫;IDF經國號可以發射天箭II二型中程飛彈,同樣具備視距外空戰能力,但是過短的作戰航程,限制了IDF的空戰性能。  幻象2000-5型戰機雖然性能優異,但是高昂的後勤維護費用與維修零件短缺,使得空軍不得不考慮封存部份幻象2 澎湖民宿000-5型戰機;雖然空軍公佈現有60架F-5E/F戰機,但是美方這份報告認為實際能升空運作的戰機可能不到30架。  不過,台海安全中心主任梅復興說:「這份非機密報告相當簡短,連圖表才共六頁,全文僅千餘字。嚴格來說,要如此簡單說明台灣空防這樣複雜的題目,似乎太單薄點,且報告部分資訊內容錯誤百出。」  報告中雖然提及,台灣空軍面臨現役戰機性能過時等問題需要汰舊換新,或是必須進行性能升級,但是並未如國內媒體所提及,到了戰時「不堪一擊」的地步。機密報告內容不得而知,但一般預料應會是公開版篇幅的二至三倍,提供國會較多技術及背景說明。台灣戰機問題多 雖然空軍現役戰機還不至於到媒體報導的「不堪一擊」的地步,但是這份報告點出我國空軍現役戰機問題多,卻是無法否認的事實。  台美斷交後,由於美國與中國簽定《八一七公報》限定了我國向美國採?新成屋坁Z器的質與量,而我國當時空防主力F-104已達服役受限亟待汰換,因而透過美國的協助由航發中心(後來改制為漢翔航太公司)下一代戰機,也就是今日的IDF。  由於美方將IDF定位在防禦用途戰機,因此對戰機性能做出諸多限制,使得IDF服役期間一直面臨航程過短、發動機推力不足等性能問題。民進黨政府執政時期,漢翔公司曾斥資70億元進行提昇IDF性能的「翔昇計畫」,改良項目包括適型化油箱,能增加20%的航程、視距外對地攻擊能力、航電性能提升。  雖然翔昇戰機2007年3月27日首度對外公開時,邀請到陳水扁總統、呂秀蓮副總統等貴賓蒞臨,陳總統並親自命名為「雄鷹戰機」。但是推出至今,軍方對於「雄鷹戰機」卻一直興趣缺缺,至今仍不願下單採購。讓時任漢翔公司董事長馮世寬不得不在總統面前感嘆的唱「小丑」這首歌,一吐國防產業努力未獲肯定的委屈。  F-5E/F是冷戰時期,美國提供 九份民宿友邦對抗蘇聯米格21的援外戰機。我國在1974至1986年間獲得美國授權生產,一共自製308架F-5E/F,佔全球同型機數量的1/4,為F-5E/F全球最大的使用國。在二代戰機服役之後,空軍僅保留90架作為訓鍊與二線戰機用途,其餘除役或是贈送給友邦。現在F-5E/F主要擔任部訓機,也就是新進飛行員下部隊操作二代機之前的訓練機。  儘管老歸老,後勤維護成本便宜的F-5,在當今的國際軍火市場上還是挺搶手。去年美國還向瑞士買了40架機齡比台灣空軍F-5E/F機隊還老的F-5E,翻新航電性能之後作為假想敵中隊對抗訓練用,打算用到2015年。去年底,甚至還發生馬來西亞空軍F-5戰機發動機遭竊,最後失竊發動機出現在烏拉圭的「奇特」軍聞。  幻象2000因為單價過高,加上推出的時間又較同級的F-16晚了十年,在失去市場先機的前提下,所以外銷狀始終不佳。在1990年代初期,法國只外銷100多架幻象2000,遠低於F-16的1700多架 烤肉。為了舒緩幻象製造商達騷的經營危機,法國在1992年不顧中國反對,同意出口60架幻象戰機給台灣,並於1996年起開始交機,以取代服役38年的F-104,作為高空攔截機用途。  不過這批幻象2000就跟法國車在台灣一樣,遇到了水土不符的問題。先是座艙莫名其妙會起霧,影響飛行安全,之後又陸續出現發動機與維修備料零件不足的問題。最重要的是,每架幻象2000的每小時作業費用高達80萬元,是F-16A/B與IDF的3到4倍,成為空軍沈重的後勤負擔,所以儘管幻象2000-5性能優異,國防部不得不考慮封存部份幻象戰機或是除役。一切都是軍火商的陰謀 「一切都是軍火商的陰謀!」尖端科技總編輯畢源廷接受本刊訪問時,直接點出這份報告背後的陰謀。日本雖然也在尋求下一代戰機,但是他們對於F-16C/D是看不上眼,日本防衛省的首要目標是具有雷達匿蹤性能的F-22。但是由於美國為了確保制空權優勢,因而立法禁止F-22輸出,所以將目標轉向F-35或是歐系戰?宜蘭民宿驉C  台灣雖然在2007年就向美國提出採購F-16C/D,但是因為諸多因素,使得國軍遲遲無法獲得F-16C/D。如果沒有新的訂單,F-16C/D的生產線可能在2014年就必須關閉,屆時美國及盟國必須轉而購買F-35。因為F-35與F-22在航電、發動機、雷達等項目共通性高,美國擔憂F-35售台後會洩漏F-22機密,所以屆時勢必會拒絕出售。  台灣如能因此而在2011年底前簽約,則可趕在F-16生產線因訂單結束而關閉前投產,而讓該機生產線不至於中斷。一旦F-16C/D生產線關閉,結果將使台灣更難取得新戰機,使台海空防面臨更大的困難。  「美國國會可能會利用這份報告向五角大樓施壓,批准向台灣出售F-16戰鬥機。」美國《國防新聞》周刊亞洲區負責人溫德爾˙明尼克認為這是這份報告最主要的用意。同時,許多國內媒體用「台灣空軍不堪一擊」、「台灣戰機 能打仗的不多」等聳動標題,也都是配合軍火商在塑造輿論壓力。  事實上,台灣與美國政界、商?房屋貸款阞漪袺鶾C說動作,自去年起已如火如荼地進行,包括24名立委跨黨派聯名致函美國參眾兩院外交、國防委員會,呼籲支持促成售我F-16戰機、美台商會近期也將推出詳盡的民間版《台海空防報告》做為政策說帖。  美國的陰謀,連北京都看得出來。中國國防部發言人黃雪平就說:「台灣問題事關中國核心利益。在當前中美兩國兩軍關係因售台武器遭受嚴重干擾情 況下,我們要求美方謹言慎行,避免對兩國兩軍關係和兩岸和平發展造成進一步損害。」簡單來說,就是要美方替軍火商拉生意不要如此明目張膽。採購F-16C/D真的能解決問題嗎 國軍爭取採購F-16C/D只要基於與現役F-16A/B共通性高,作為獲取F-35(如果美國願意賣)之前的過渡性考量,但是F-16C/D是否適合未來台海的戰略局勢,其實仍有待商榷。  第一,台灣島內各軍民用機場都在中國的飛彈射程之內,近年來中國又在發展各種跑道破壞技術,試圖在戰時癱瘓台灣機場的跑道。在沒有飛機跑道的狀態下,即便是最先進 酒店工作的F-22也是沒有用處。因此,許多軍事專家認為,與其採購高性能戰機,不如採購不需要跑道起飛的垂直起降戰機,如A/V-8B等。  第二,機齡老舊、性能不足是國軍戰機最大的問題嗎?近來,每當有F-5E/F失事時,媒體與立委常以「飛行棺材」來稱呼這些至少服役1/4世紀的會動古董。軍事專家卻有不同的看法。畢源廷說:「最主要還是後勤能否支援的問題。」國軍在實施精實案之後,資深後勤士官被迫提前退役,使得後勤空軍地勤保養能力出現問題。「缺乏優秀人才操作與保養武器,當然妥善率會低的可憐。」  2007年底,空軍舉行的戰術總驗收裡,台東737聯隊打敗其他二代戰機,勇奪冠軍;2008年,巴西空軍的F-5E/F還曾在模擬對抗中,透過空中預警機協助,擊敗法國空軍的幻象2000戰機。足見在訓練有素的人才駕馭下,配合獨特空域環境與戰術,即使沒有經過性能提昇,這些老飛機也是能力博新一代戰機。所以台灣F-5失事高、妥善率低,不是機齡老舊這個藉口就能塘塞。最重要還是後勤 關鍵字排名與人才訓練能否落實。  第三,當政者必須審思是否該以武器國造,取代外購政策。在《八一七公報》簽訂之後,台灣面臨長達十多年的武器採購困境,當時不論買什麼武器都受到限制。因此,政府便以武器國造取代外購,作為因應之道。  冷戰結束之後,由於國際軍火市場的萎縮、中國因為天安門事件遭到國際制裁等因素,讓台灣一夕之間從國際軍售孤兒,變成寵兒,獲得了許多尋覓已久的武器。但從此開始,我國開始忽視武器國造工作,好像外國的月亮就是比較圓。國內許多優秀研發單位不是面臨裁撤,就是面臨人才被鄰國挖角的窘境。南韓近年來在國際市場大力推銷的T-50教練機,正是當年漢翔公司IDF研發團發的力作。  近年來,隨著中國的崛起,以及美國的政治考量等因素。台灣再度陷入武器採購困境,現在的戰略決策者應該認真思考武器國造、國防自主化的重要性。 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 591  .

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          論中共之核武發展 論中共之核武發展: 四十年核武發展之回顧 On China’s Nuclear Weapons Development: a retrospective study on its 40 years’ development 鄭大誠 Ta-chen Cheng 前言 Introduction 在後冷戰時期「軍事事務革命」重視常規武器的風潮下,核武及其戰略之相關議題在許多人看來似乎已經不再是顯學,甚至已乏人問津。雖然如此,不可否認的是,所有現存的核武國家仍然保有著相當比例的核武,同時在可見的未來,這些國家也沒有完全廢棄核武的計劃。以中共的例子來說,中共雖然目前約僅有四百件核武,不過其核武本身以及其載具的更新卻仍是在不斷地進行當中;中共雖然對外供稱「不首先使用核武」,但卻也在其解釋上存有許多但書與矛盾。中共強硬派軍人對於核武運用的主張更是難以想像。吾人因而甚至不能確信如果未來台海爆發大規模的軍事衝突時,中共是否會使用核武。對於直接處於中共軍事威脅的台灣來說,研究中共的核武發展與趨勢特別具有其必要性。 The issues of nuclear strategy and nuclear weapons are not viewed by many as a live strategic issue in the post-Cold War period where the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) has led to the “transformation” of conventional weapons systems. Even so, the fact cannot be denied that all existing nuclear powers still retain their nuclear stockpiles and refuse to scrap them in the foreseeable future. In terms of China, although the Chinese currently stabilise their nuclear stockpile to a level around 400 weapons, they never stop upgrading their nuclear capacity. The No-first-use (NFU) principle was said to be accepted by the Chinese government, but there are too many reservations and contradictions in its contents, which increased scepticism. Meanwhile, the occasional remarks by the Chinese hawkish generals furthermore gave the outside world an impression that the Chinese use of nuclear weapons will not be as restrained as claimed. For the Taiwanese people who are under China’s direct military threat, it is of particular importance to study China’s nuclear weapons development. 中共做為一個新興軍事強權,外界對於其國防態勢與兵力發展的興趣可想而知,不過長久以來對於其核武發展總是因為資訊的封閉而無法做完整的審視。有鑒於此,本文遂旨在以歷史檢視的方式將目前有關於中共核武發展的公開資料做一全面整理與分析,尤其是在其性能方面就不同來源選擇出較為可信的資訊與數據。在研究標的上以硬體(核武本身及其載具,尤其是彈道飛彈)為主,並不論及中共核武戰略、與其他國家的核武關係以及具體核武部隊的指管通情系統等。同時由於篇幅限制,在個別武器的深度探討上或有不足,亦請讀者原諒。 As a new military power, China’s defence posture and force development unsurprisingly have attracted much attention. However, due to the lack of information, it is difficult to provide a comprehensive investigation on China’s nuclear weapons. In this article, the author tries to develop a coherent account on this subject by searching all possible available materials. The data and information on the performance of delivery vehicles and weapons will be carefully scrutinised and selected. Yet the discussions on Chinese nuclear str 西裝外套ategy, its nuclear relations with other powers, and the nuclear C4 will not be included. Insufficient space will also prevent the author from focusing on a particular field. 中共核武發展的濫觴 The Beginning of China’s Nuclear Development 雖然毛澤東早期曾明白地斥指原子彈不過是「紙老虎」,不過在他了解了原子彈的深層政治與戰略意涵後,他倒是很快地決定要將中共有限的資源投入原子彈的研製。從一九五一年起,北京就與莫斯科簽訂了一系列有關協助中共研製原子彈的秘密協定,其中包括了原型彈、相關技術以及專業人員之轉移等等。數以百計的中共科學家也在莫斯科的杜伯納核子研究所受訓。[1] 赫魯雪夫上台後,雖然因早期鞏固政權的需要而繼續給予中共核技術援助,不過赫氏並沒有同意直接提供中共核武,他甚至直指蘇聯的核武保護傘已足以保護中國大陸。原子彈發展需要耗費太多金錢,中共實在應該把有限資源放在經濟發展上。[2] 在中蘇關係決裂後,蘇聯更是在一九六○年前撤出了所有對中共之核武計劃援助。[3] Although Mao Zedong had manifestly despised the US atomic bombs as a “paper tiger”, he did not hesitate to pour China’s limited resources into nuclear development when he discovered the political and strategic implications of nuclear weapons. To help the Chinese, Moscow signed a series of secret agreements with Beijing from 1951 and thereafter supplied the Chinese with many significant nuclear technological transfers including prototypes, expertise and professionals. Hundreds of Chinese scientists were also trained in Moscow’s Dubna Nuclear Research Institute. Khrushchev, however, did not approve Mao’s request on direct nuclear weapons transfers. The Soviet leader also asserted that the USSR nuclear umbrella was strategically sufficient to cover China. The atomic bomb would cost too much for China, which had better devote its resources to economic development. As a result of the acrimonious split between the Russians and Chinese, however, the Kremlin withdrew all its technical assistance from China by 1960. 不管有沒有蘇聯的幫助,中共亟欲成為一核武國家的決心是十分堅定的。毛澤東在一九五五年一月十五日的中央書記處擴大會議當中初步做成了研製原子彈的決議,[4] 核武發展也被列入一九五六年九月中共八大的十二年科學計劃當中。[5] 經過數年戮力發展,[6] 一九六四年十月十六日,也就是赫魯雪夫倒台的兩天後,中共成功地在新疆羅布泊試爆了首枚原子裝置。這枚原子裝置設計雖非十分精密,不過其威力足以摧毀敵人一些都市以及其他戰術性目標。聯合國原子能委員會後來估計這枚裝置約有兩萬噸當量,其威力大概略同於美國在一九四五年八月九日於長崎所引爆的第二枚原子彈。[7] 中共在一九六七年六月十七日,也就是在首枚原子裝置試爆後的兩年八個月後,又成功試爆了一枚三百萬噸當量的氫彈,成為核熱俱樂部的一員。[8] 自此之後,中共賡續發展其核武能量。雖然進展緩慢,但卻也仍獲得了不少技術突破與提昇。  China’s determination to become a nuclear weapons state had been conspicuous, no matter with or without Russian help. On 15 January 1955, Mao had made the first decision to make atomic bombs in an enlarged meeting of the Central Secretariat. The nuclear devel 房地產opment schemes were also included in the Twelve-Year Science Plan, presented in September 1956 to the Eighth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After years of efforts, in Lop Nor, Xinjiang Province, China successfully exploded its first atomic bomb on 16 October 1964, two days after the fall of Khrushchev. This device was not a delicate work, but could possibly destroy some urban centres or other tactical objectives of an adversary. The United Nations Atomic Energy Commission later estimated it could be as powerful as 20 kilotons or about the power of the bomb exploded over Nagasaki on 9 August 1945. On 17 June 1967, two years and eight months after the explosion of China’s first atomic bomb, the Chinese successfully tested a 3-megaton hydrogen bomb. Like other nuclear weapons states, China since then had persistently improved its nuclear and strategic capabilities and had achieved a series of military breakthroughs, though in a very slow fashion. 陸基核武 Land-based Nuclear Weapons 對像中國這樣一個發展中國家來說,要擁有完整而先進的各式核武不管在技術上或財政支出上都是相當困難的。職是之故,從一開始中共就選擇著重在陸基核彈道飛彈與火箭的發展。[9] 畢竟較諸昂貴的空基與海基核載具,陸基飛彈對於同時要維持一支龐大傳統兵力以應付「人民戰爭」的中共來說,是個較為經濟且實際的選擇。 For a developing country like China, to possess a complete nuclear triad would be financially and technologically difficult. Almost from the beginning, therefore, China had an imbalanced development in favour of land-based ballistic missiles or rockets. Compared with the expensive airborne and naval vehicles, land-based ballistic missiles were commonly regarded as a much cheaper and more practical delivery system in China, which concurrently maintained massive conventional forces for a potential People’s War. 如同原子彈的發展一樣,蘇聯在核載具的發展經驗也深深地影響了中共。中共在一九五六年獲得了一批蘇聯製R-1飛彈。事實上,該型飛彈在構造上乃翻製自二次大戰末期使用低溫液態燃料的德製V-2火箭。一九五七年或許是中共在其戰略武器外購史上最重要的一年。在毛澤東第二次訪問莫斯科後,中共與蘇聯簽訂了一有關新型火箭與航空方面的援助協定。根據十月十五日的新國防技術協定,赫魯雪夫同意派遣一支配有兩枚R-2(SS-2)飛彈以及相關發射設備的陸軍飛彈營到中國,協助中共發展製造、測試與發射飛彈的能量。蘇聯還派遣了不少飛彈專家幫助中共建立飛彈相關工業,中共後來並追加訂購了十二枚R-2飛彈。這象徵了中共彈道飛彈發展的濫觴,被稱為「一○五九計劃」。[10] Similar to the development of the atomic bomb, the Soviet experiences on nuclear delivery systems deeply influenced the Chinese. In 1956, China obtained its first models, the Soviet R-1 missiles, which were literally copies of the German cryogenic liquid-propellant V-2 rockets used in World War II. 1957 was perhaps the most fruitful year in China’s acquisition history of strategic weapons. Mao Zedong’s second visit to Moscow was followed by an agreement for new rockets and aviation assist 租房子ance. Under the New Defence Technical Accord of 15 October, Khrushchev sent an Army missile battalion with two R-2 missiles (SS-2), and their associated launching equipment to China for manufacturing, testing, and launching purposes, with Soviet missile engineers helping China set up its missile industries. China later purchased 12 more R-2s. This marked the beginning of China’s ballistic missile project, which was now called the 1059 programme. 中蘇關係在一九五八年後急遽惡化。赫魯雪夫逐次停止了對中共有關原子彈與飛彈技術與資料的援助計劃、廢止了兩國科技的轉移協定,最後更撤回了所有在中國的蘇聯專家。沒有了蘇聯的協助,中共幾乎難以繼續這些未完成的飛彈計劃。也因此,中共被迫必須採用土法煉鋼或是逆向工程的方式來了解所進行計劃的相關技術。不過很不幸地,中共勞力密集的優勢並沒有辦法幫助於創造出新技術,一九五八年至一九六○年大躍進的失敗更是使各項核武發展計劃雪上加霜。[11] Sino-Soviet relations had considerably deteriorated by 1958. Khrushchev withheld plans and data for the atomic bomb and missiles, abrogated the agreements on transferring technology and eventually withdrew all Soviet advisers. Without Soviet help, the Chinese could barely continue their incomplete missile programmes. The Chinese were therefore forced to adopt indigenous methods or reverse engineering approaches in order to figure out these technologies. Unfortunately, China’s labour-intensive advantage did not help to create new technologies, particularly during the rash Great Leap Forward period (1958-1960). 在此種窘境下,中共即使要發展陸基核飛彈亦是困難重重。以下就略將中共數十年來發展陸基核武,尤其是陸基彈道飛彈的過程與成果分為四個階段。要特別說明的是,此種分類乃是基於國外觀察而加以認定。雖然沒有經過中共官方承認,不過還是頗能幫助了解中共核武發展的歷程。 In such a situation, China’s development of land-based nuclear weapons has been far more difficult than that of other countries. In the following pages, the author tries to divide the development of China’s nuclear weapons, particularly the land-based weapons into four generations by a generally accepted western standard. This classification is essentially from an external rather than an official perspective, but it can somehow help to understand such development. 一、第一代核飛彈 1. First Generation Missiles 在蘇聯援助的基礎上,中共經由一批留學外國的科學家如錢學森的積極參與,自一九五○年代後期開始發展了自己的飛彈工業。中共在一九六三年決定要在八年內建造四種不同彈道飛彈(「八年四彈」)。一九六四年更具體指出了四彈的假想目標,包括日本(東風二型,CSS-1)、菲律賓(東風三型,CSS-2)、關島(東風四型,CSS-3)以及美國本土(東風五型,CSS-4)。[12] 這「四彈」加上東風一型與巨浪一型潛射飛彈被視為中共的第一代核彈道飛彈。[13] 除了巨浪一型之外,其他飛彈都採用液態燃料,同時還具有許多子型。東風五型與東風四型的一種子型為洲際彈道飛彈。 With the help of the USSR and Western-trained scientists like Qian Xuesen, China began its missile programmes from the late 1950s. In 1963, Chin 濾桶a decided to build “four types of missiles in eight years.” The assigned targets in the draft plan formulated in 1964 were Japan (the DF-2, CSS-1), the Philippines (the DF-3, CSS-2), Guam (the DF-4, CSS-3), and the continental US (CONUS) (the DF-5, CSS-4). Together with the DF-1 and JL-1 (CSS-N-3), these missiles were viewed as China’s first generation of ballistic missiles. All were liquid-propellant guided missiles with many variations except the JL-1. The DF-5 and a variant of the DF-4 were intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). 東風一型實際上是德製V-2火箭的一種改良型,由於性能較差,沒有什麼嚇阻價值。東風一型曾在一九六○年進行測試,不過並未部署。[14] 東風二型飛彈由蘇聯製「訟棍」飛彈(SS-2)複製而來。中共在一九六四年六月二十九日曾經進行了一次成功測試,不過要等到一九六六年十月二十七日中共才首次在東風二型飛彈上配掛了一枚約有兩萬至三萬噸當量的核彈頭進行發射測試。[15] 東風三型與東風四型飛彈在設計上深受蘇聯影響,尤其是在導向與推進系統方面。 東風三型原本是要發展成具有一萬公里射程的洲際飛彈。推進燃料將採用液態氧與煤油混合燃料,與蘇聯製R-7飛彈(SS-6)類似。不過由於技術上與經濟上的問題使然,中共被迫取消了東風三型洲際飛彈計劃,東風三型因而變成了單節式,僅有三千公里射程的中程飛彈。[16] The DF-1 was actually a revision of the German V-2 rocket, and had little strategic value in terms of deterrence. It was tested in 1960, but was not deployed. On 29 June 1964, China conducted a successful test of the DF-2, essentially a copy of the Soviet Shyster (SS-2), but it was not until 27 October 1966 that China launched a DF-2 missile armed with a 20-30 kilotons warhead for the first time. The designs of the DF-3 and DF-4 were also highly influenced by the USSR, especially in the guidance and propulsion subsystems. The DF-3 was at first aimed to have a 10,000-kilometre range, adopting the liquid oxygen and kerosene propellants used in the Soviet R-7 (SS-6) missile. However, technical obstacles and the economic crisis forced the cancellation of the DF-3 ICBM plan, and the DF-3 became a single-stage 3,000-kilometre range medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM). 東風三型中程飛彈原本的假想攻擊目標是美軍在菲律賓的克拉克空軍基地以及蘇比克灣海軍基地。在一九六九年珍寶島危機後,中共遂將東風三型部署在中蘇邊境上,並將飛彈藏在河谷及洞穴等隱密地點以躲避偵察與被攻擊。據估計,東風三型的射程足以攻擊蘇聯中部與東部的目標。為了彌補精準度不足的缺點,東風三型配載了高當量核當頭。中共在一九八○年代大約部署了一百枚東風三型飛彈。東風三型的改良型東風三A型射程約有二千八百公里,在一九八六年正式服役。[17] The original assigned targets of the DF-3 were two US military installations in the Philippines: Clark Air Force base and Subic Bay naval base. After the Sino-Soviet military confrontation over the Ussuri River in 1969, the missiles were deployed along the borders with Russia. The sites were hidden in valleys and caves to make detection and targeting difficult. It was estimated that the DF-3 could hit targets in the Central and Eastern USSR. To make up for inaccu 酒店經紀racy and small numbers of warheads, the DF-3 used comparatively high yield warheads. There were approximately 100 DF-3 missiles deployed in the 1980s. The DF-3A, an improved variant with a range of 2,800 kilometres, entered service in 1986. 東風四型是中共首種利用地下發射井發射之飛彈。飛彈本身在點火前會被升至地面,這點與美軍早期的「泰坦」與「大力神」飛彈極為類似。部署在洞穴內的東風四型則是在滾移出洞穴至發射台後再灌加燃料與發射。東風四型原本是要設計來攻擊美國在關島的安德森空軍基地,不過在一九六九年後,中共將東風四型飛彈的射程增加到四千七百五十公里。[18] 如此一來,蘇聯的許多城市,包括莫斯科都會在東風四型的射程之內,東風四型也因此被稱為「莫斯科飛彈」。東風四型後來被發展成射程有一萬公里的洲際飛彈,彈體可配載一枚一至三百萬噸當量的核彈頭,不過觀察家卻很少注意到這個發展。東風四型洲際飛彈已可以攻擊中東、蘇聯歐洲地區以及阿拉斯加,不過卻沒有辦法攻擊美國本土的大部分。東風四型在一九七○年首次測試,並自一九七七年後開始部署。[19] The DF-4 was the first Chinese missile deployed in underground silos. It was raised to surface level before firing, much like the early US Titan and Atlas. The cave-deployed versions were designed to be rolled out from their tunnels to launch pads, fuelled, and fired. The original design goal for the DF-4 was to be able to strike the US Andersen air base at Guam. After 1969, the range of the DF-4 was increased to 4,750 kilometres, bringing Soviet cities, in particular, the Soviet capital, within its orbit so that the DF-4 was referred to as the “Moscow missile”. The DF-4 was developed as China’s first ICBM with an approximate range of 10,000 kilometres and probable payload of 1-3 megatons, but few analysts took notice. It could strike the Middle East, European USSR and Alaska, but not the US proper. The DF-4 was tested in 1970 and deployed from 1977. 東風五型常與蘇聯製笨重的SS-18飛彈相提並論,乃是中共為了用來攻擊美國而發展的洲際飛彈。東風五型採用四氧化氮做氧化劑,使用質輕的鋁銅合金做彈體,並配有先進的陀螺儀來增加精準度。[20] 中共在一九七八年一月到一九八一年九月間並無從事太空發射,外界認為中共乃利用這段時間進行東風五型的發射實驗。中共在一九七九年至少進行了四次短程測試,並在一九八○年五月進行了兩次由甘肅雙城子至太平洋的長程測試。其中一次飛行了九千七百公里,落點可能在吉爾伯特群島、所羅門群島、斐濟以及新赫布里底之間的海域。[21] 在數次失敗測試後,中共也藉由民用長征二號火箭的設計賡續研發東風五型飛彈。自一九八三年起,中共開始發展配有多目標獨立重返大氣層能力彈頭的升級型東風五A型飛彈,射程增加為一萬三千公里,可攜重三千至三千二百公斤,並裝配有更精準的導向系統。[22] 毫無疑問地,東風五A型飛彈在性能上已屬於第二代飛彈,其攻擊目標可達俄羅斯、歐洲、澳洲以及美國本土。[23] The DF-5 ICBM, being compared to the heavy Soviet SS-18, was China’s main ICBM asset against the US. With nitrogen tetroxide as the oxidiser and a lightweight, aluminium-copper alloy airframe, the DF-5 was equipped advanced gyroscopes for greater accuracy. The absence of space launches between January 1978 and September 1981 may have related to the experimental DF-5 t 租屋ests. Four partial range tests were reported in 1979. Two long range shots were made from Shuangchengzi, Gansu Province, into the Pacific Ocean in May 1980. It was reported that one of them had travelled approximately 9,700 kilometres to an area bounded by the Gilbert Islands, the Solomons, Fiji, and the New Hebrides. Following several flight test failures, China continued the D-5 development by dint of its development of the civilian Long March 2 rocket. Beginning in 1983, the Chinese began to develop the upgraded DF-5A with MIRVed warheads, with a range of over 13,000 kilometres, carrying from 3,000 to 3,200 kilograms and a more accurate guidance system. There was little doubt that the DF-5A, which could literally viewed as a second generation missile, possessed the capacity to strike targets in Russia, Europe, Australia and the CONUS. 二、第二代飛彈 2. Second Generation Missiles 中共在一九八○年代中期已大致完成其第一代飛彈的部署。[24] 不過就實際核嚇阻功能而言,這些第一代飛彈僅具有中共之為一個核武國家的象徵意義。中共自製的高當量核彈頭由於不夠精準,因而只能配載在體積龐大的彈道飛彈或飛機上,不過這些飛彈的性能水準也僅略等於美國在一九五○、六○年代時所發展出的產品。因而第一代飛彈在使用、存活度以及可靠度上都十分值得懷疑。[25] In the mid-1980s, China had almost completed the deployment of its first generation nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, in strict terms, the first generation weapons were merely a symbol of China’s nuclear power status. The unsophisticated and high yield warheads could only be carried by large ballistic missiles or aircraft, and the missiles were only roughly equivalent to the US products designed in the 1950s and 1960s. Their use, survivability and reliability were very questionable. 有鑑於此,自一九七○年代開始,中共就開始發展第二代核武,其發展重點在於縮小核武的體積與重量以及增加飛彈的靈活度與精準度。第二代核飛彈的研發約在一九九○年代末期完成,[26] 主要都是採用固態燃料,包括有東風二十一型(CSS-5)、東風二十五型、東風三十一型(CSS-9)、東風四十一型、東風五A型,以及巨浪二型潛射飛彈(CSS-NX-5)。其中東風三十一型、東風四十一型,以及東風五A型均為洲際彈道飛彈,有關巨浪二型潛射飛彈的討論則將留到海基核嚇阻的部分再行說明。 From the 1970s, in view of this, the PLA began to develop its second generation nuclear weapons, with the key objectives to minimise nuclear weapons, including their size and weight, and to increase mobility and accuracy. It was estimated that the R&D of such weapons was finalised in the late 1990s. The second generation were primarily solid-propellant missiles, including the DF-21(CSS-5), DF-25, DF-31(CSS-9), DF-41, DF-5A, and JL-2 (CSS-NX-5). The DF-31, DF-41 and DF-5A were ICBMs. The discussion of the JL-2 SLBM will be left to a later section on the sea-based deterrent. 東風二十一型為兩節式採用固態推進燃料中程飛彈,是中共首種真正具有道路機動性的飛彈。彈體置在直立式發射架運輸載具上,採用冷發射技術,亦即飛彈在彈射出去後才在空中點火。東風二十一型的子型東風二十一A型具有較輕之重量,射程略增至二千五百公里,[ 房屋出租27] 其可能用來攻擊蘇聯的城市地區。東風二十一A型在一九七八年開始發展,曾經在一九八五年成功測試。東風二十一型後來成為巨浪一型潛射飛彈的發展基礎。 The two-stage solid-propellant DF-21 medium-range missile was the first truly road-mobile Chinese missile, mounted on a transporter erector launcher (TEL) vehicle. It used a cold launch technique, i. e., it was ejected from its container and the engine ignited while airborne. The DF-21A variant reportedly had a decreased weight and a slightly longer range of 2,500 kilometres. Likely targets were urban areas in Russia. It was developed in 1978 and successfully tested in 1985. The DF-21 was later developed as the JL-1 SLBM. 東風二十五型飛彈可攜帶較大且較多彈頭,射程約一千八百至二千五百公里。東風二十五型後來改良為東風三十一型,為三節式機動洲際彈道飛彈。東風三十一型射程約有八千公里,雖然只能攜帶一枚彈頭,不過精準度可達三百至六百公尺。在最大射程範圍下,東風三十一型可以攻擊到夏威夷及阿拉斯加,不過卻無法射到大部分美國本土。東風三十一型也被用來瞄準俄羅斯及美國在亞洲的軍事基地及設施。已知東風三十一型最後三次試射在二○○○年十一月,試驗中還包括使用誘餌彈頭進行了較短程的飛行測試。第一個東風三十一型飛彈旅據悉已在二○○三年完成部署。[28] 目前中共可能已經部署了三個東風三十一型飛彈旅,未來還可能再部署三個旅。[29] 東風三十一型的改良型東風三十一A型射程可達一萬二千公里,[30] 可能會在二○○七至二○○九年達到初期部署。[31] The DF-25, with larger and multiple warheads, had a range of 1,800 to 2,500 kilometres. It was further revised as the DF-31, a three-stage mobile ICBM. The range of the DF-31 was estimated at 8,000 kilometres with accuracy at 300-600 metres for its single warhead. At maximum range, the DF-31 was capable of hitting Hawaii and Alaska, but not the CONUS. The DF-31 would also be targeted against Russia and American bases and facilities in Asia. The last of three known DF-31 test flights was conducted in November 2000 and involved decoy warheads travelling over a shorter flight path. The first DF-31 brigade was deployed in 2003. There are now probably three missile brigades deployed, and there will be three more in the near future. China is also developing a modified version of the DF-31, the DF-31A, with an extended range of up to 12,000 kilometres. Its initial deployment could be 2007-9. 東風四十一型飛彈自一九七三年便開始發展,為三節式飛彈,前兩節採用東風三十一型設計,第三節則大幅加大,設計上頗類似美製義勇兵以及蘇聯製白楊SS-25飛彈。[32] 東風四十一型飛彈外型較東風三十一型大了許多,射程可達一萬二千公里。和東風三十一型不同的是,東風四十一型並非設計運用在潛艇上,而是以配載在陸上機動載具為主,並強調具有快速的攻擊火力控制系統。東風四十一型飛彈計劃在一九七五年九月被暫時中止,但在一九七八年八月又重新上馬,並更名為東風二十二型飛彈。東風四十一二十二型是中共所發展最後一種的液態燃料飛彈。不過中央軍委在一九八四年決定不再發展液態燃料,而全面發展固態燃料飛彈。東風四十一二十二型飛彈計劃在一九九五年被正式取消。[33] The DF-41 programme was initiated in October 1973, with a three-stage missile similar to the American Minuteman and the R 賣屋ussian Topol (SS-25) missiles by using the first two stages of the DF-31 along with a much larger third stage. It was in size larger than the DF-31, and had a range of up to 12,000 kilometres. Unlike the DF-31, the DF-41 was not constrained be fitted into a submarine launch tube. It was designed to be road-mobile, with a rapid targeting fire control system. The DF-41 programme was suspended in September 1975 but resumed in August 1978 under the new name of the DF-22. The DF-41/22 model was the last liquid-propellant missile of the PLA. However, the 1984 decision of the Central Military Commission made a change of development from liquid to solid-fuelled rocketry. In 1995, the DF-41/22 programme was cancelled. 三、第三代及第四代核武及其技術的發展 3. Third and Fourth Generation Nuclear Weapons and Their Technologies 第三代及第四代核武技術的發展大多還在研發階段,外界對之知之甚少。不過據信,除了中子彈外,這些新核武或相關技術在近期應該都還未有部署或生產的可能性。根據已知的少數資料顯示,中共第三代核武的發展重點應該在提升彈頭性能、發展中子彈,以及研製利用核爆所產生的電磁脈衝及X光雷射武器。[34] 中共早在一九八○年代初期即有發展此類武器的興趣,在八○年代中期開始投入較多資金從事相關研究。中共目前似乎已經取得了一些成果。 The third and fourth generation missiles and associated technologies are mostly in the R&D process, and no many discussions can be found in public. It is generally believed that none of these, perhaps with the exception of the neutron bomb, would be deployed in the near future. Despite little disclosure, China’s third generation missiles research was aimed at upgrading warheads and developing neutron bombs, electromagnetic pulse (EMP) and X-ray laser weapons pumped by a nuclear explosion. The initial interest appeared in the early 1980s, but it was only since the mid-1980s that the Chinese had poured more resources into these new fields. However, they seemingly had already obtained some results. 在第三代核武當中,中子彈的研製是最值得注意的。根據八一電台在一九八二年二月的一項報導,國防科工委所屬的一研究機構已經完成發展中子彈相關資料的研究。[35] 之後有關中子彈的測試消息就少有傳出。不過當一九九九年美國國會發表著名的《考克斯報告》後,中共政府立刻出人意料地宣稱他們早已擁有足夠的技術自行研製中子彈。[36] 在同一份聲明中,中共還指稱他們早已在一九八八年就已經試爆了一枚中子彈。[37] 《考克斯報告》認為,中共研製中子彈的原始目的應該是為了在其領土內遏制南侵的蘇聯裝甲部隊,不過該報告研判中子彈也可能在中共對臺行動中被用來做戰術性運用,藉以減少對敵方建物與裝備之損毀與破壞。[38] Among those new developments, the neutron bomb is the most noticeable. The Bayi Radio reported that in February 1982, a research institute under the Commission on Science, Technology and Industry for National Defence (COSTIND) had completed a study of data on the development of the neutron bomb. Further tests of neutron bombs were seldom mentioned, but in 1999, when the American Cox Report was released, the Chinese Government unexpectedly announced it possessed sufficient technology to produce neutron b 租房子ombs. The Chinese also claimed in the same statement that they had successfully tested a neutron bomb in 1988. The Cox Report judged that China probably originally developed the neutron bomb for use on its own territory against the invading Soviet forces. Such weapons could also be useful in a campaign against Taiwan to reduce physical damage. 除了中子彈外,中共也持續進行核彈頭縮小與升級之相關研究。在一九九六年正式簽署《全面禁止核試爆條約》之前,中共業已進行了一系列的新式核裝置,尤其是低當量核彈頭的試爆。舉例而言,自一九九二年九月二十八日至一九九六年七月二十九日之間(中共於一九九六年七月三十日宣佈不再進行核試爆),中共至少進行了八次低當量核裝置的地下測試。對照這些測試的結果與相對應的彈頭與飛彈資料,很明顯地,中共這些核試爆主要目的就是在為新一代的戰術型核武發展更小更輕的核彈頭。[39] In addition to new weapons, reducing and upgrading the warhead size were important tasks for Chinese nuclear scientists. During the l990s, China was working to complete tests of its modern thermonuclear weapons before it signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty in 1996. For example, from 28 September 1992 to 29 July 1996, the Chinese at least had conducted 8 underground tests. All were low yield nuclear devices. The Chinese announced they would stop nuclear tests from 30 July 1996. Based on what was known about Chinese nuclear testing practices, combined with data on Chinese warhead yield and missile development, it was clear that the main purpose of these tests was to develop smaller and lighter warheads for China’s new nuclear forces. 此外,根據美國國防部二○○五年對中共軍力的年度報告,中共很可能會在對臺軍事行動中利用高空核爆所產生的高空電磁脈衝來達到先期作戰的戰術性目的。高空電磁脈衝會造成高空大氣層的離子化,並大幅減弱敵方的作戰能力,尤其會造成通訊系統連接、雷達資料傳送以及電子光學偵測器的破壞。除軍事設備之外,民用的電力與運輸系統也可能會遭到中斷。在本質上,中共認為高空電磁脈衝雖為一種非傳統武器,不過此種武器並未越過核門檻,也不應該被美國或其他國家視為戰略性核武,勉強僅可被視為一種戰術型核武。不過美國卻不認為中共對此種高空核爆的使用能真如其宣稱可「戰術性」地限於臺灣及臺海地區。高空核爆所產生的電磁脈衝不僅會影響到臺灣地區,還會影響到中國大陸本身、日本、菲律賓以及附近海域,同時影響此區域的海空運輸與交通。[40] Moreover, according to the 2005 report on China’s military power by the US Department of Defense (DoD), China would consider using a high-altitude nuclear burst to generate high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) in order to meet tactical objectives at the first stage of its military campaign against Taiwan. HEMP causes a substantial change in the ionization of the upper atmosphere, including the ionosphere and magnetosphere. These effects likely would result in the degradation of important war fighting capabilities, such as key communication links, radar transmissions, and the full spectrum of electro-optic sensors. Additional effects could include severe disruptions to civil electric/power an .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 買屋  .

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          面板股止穩 電子觸底指標 蘋果日報 台股在總統大選後開盤第1天大漲,但持續回檔修正,主要是受到獲利回吐賣壓,以及新台幣急升造成電子股出現匯損的利 591空影響。由於電子股不漲,短線上大盤向上的空間不大,將呈現箱型整理格局,若短線上台 酒店兼職幣止穩及國際股市沒有大跌的話,則在520新總統就職前後,台股有機會挑戰前波高點9800點附近。 近期台幣急升 好房網,不利電子股的獲利表現,不過,昨天台幣已回貶,看來央行在短期內應會力守30元關卡,讓台幣波動幅度減緩,未來即使台幣?宜蘭民宿鬮礞伬A但只要不急升,電子股就有跌深反彈的機會。 營造股銀行股補漲 短線的布局策略,應該避開選前已漲一波的營建、中概、航運、 ARMANI資產及觀光等內需產業股,除了有漲多拉回的風險外,包括油價已從110美元往下修正,國際用油高峰已過,由油價引發的通膨壓力可望減緩,加上藍軍勝選後離520還有段 澎湖民宿時間,不會有新的利多政策出爐,扁政府也不可能有利多宣布,是政策利多的空窗期。在操作上可分為兩方面,第1、可以尋找落後補漲的類股,像昨天營造比營建表現強勢、金融股則 關鍵字廣告由台企銀、彰銀等銀行股輪漲;第2、金融股逢拉回可布局,但應避開匯損較嚴重的壽險,以銀行金控、證券股為主,電子股則觀察指標類股包括面板及IC設計族群,以這2個族群是否有支撐及觸底反彈 591的跡象來判斷電子股未來走勢。台股這波回檔的賣壓可能來自公司派大股東或政府基金,外資昨也開始大賣台股,摒除外資先前大買之後的縮手,台股若持續下滑到8000點,則可能是公司派大股東對前景不看好而出脫 室內裝潢,值得留意;若守在8400~8500點,則應該是政府基金出手,那後市仍看好。王兆立口述 蕭文康整理 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 九份民宿  .

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          立錡 大摩降霜 【聯合晚報╱記者張家豪/台北報導】 類比IC大廠立錡(6286)第4季受到主機板和網通產品 租房子訂單流失影響,單季營收預料將較第3季 591微幅下滑。外資券商摩根士丹利今日調降立錡第4季營收?酒店經紀w期,由原本較上季成長2%的數據,修正為-1%的負成長率,目標價則由60 永慶房屋0元下修14%到515元。 慶祝美國「黑色星期五」銷售傳佳音,立錡今日早盤開高大漲?訂做禮服A然而,不到10分鐘的時間,慶祝行情變調,股價下殺翻黑,盤中跌幅一度達2.7%。 摩根士丹利指出,儘管 賣房子立錡明年在手機、GPS、面板、筆記型電腦、數位相機和WiFi等多項新產品上的題材性活躍,不過,短線面臨主機板和網通市占率流 土地買賣失的問題,基本面偏弱。 主機板今年以來需求不振,而立錡的主機板與網通產品訂單,又遭到力智電子搶食,三星手機訂單方面同樣失靈 酒店兼職。目前類比IC市場競爭升溫,使得立錡第4季營收、獲利面臨多項利空的壓力。雖然摩根士丹利認為,立錡是類比IC族群中,相對穩健的個股,而重申「加碼」投資建?西裝部A但仍然不得不調降第4季營收預期與目標價。 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 賣房子  .

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          府城手工魚麵 嚼勁Q彈性佳 利用新鮮味美的狗母魚發酵,擅用摔打的技巧和巧勁破壞魚肉的組織,並且加入鹽巴使其凝結,這就 裝潢是一碗用狗母魚所作出來,嚼起來有QQ口感的手工魚麵。 賣屋 位在台南市府前路一段的夏家手工魚麵店,秉持傳統手藝,做出口感極具特色?酒肉朋友漱滮u魚麵和魚冊。夏家手工魚麵店老闆夏先生表示,手工魚麵是古早人傳承的手藝。從事這行業 膠原蛋白10多年,雖然製作過程中相當耗費體力,但是能得到客人的稱讚就是他最大的安慰。 夏老闆表示,用單純魚肉 開幕活動做出手工麵條並不容易,在製作的過程當中,需要以走動的方式去桿動整個麵皮。在搓揉麵皮的過程當中,除了力道需要控制得宜之?商務中心~,也要配合魚肉的油脂度。桿好的麵皮再以手工下去切成條狀,最後再下水川燙過,加上瘦絞肉、胡椒、芹菜、香油和紫菜,就是一碗口感極佳的手工魚麵 關鍵字廣告。 每天的手工魚麵都是現做現賣,夏老闆表示,狗母魚在農曆中秋過後,由於迴流數量多,所以此時吃到的魚肉肉質最為鮮美。除此,還有利用擠壓原理所 商務中心做出來的魚冊,內餡包著豬肉和芹菜等豐富食材,是值得品嚐的好味道。 夏老闆表示,夏家手工魚麵店未來將繼續穩紮穩打,以用心肯定的精神,並且秉持一份責任感,做出能讓客人 西裝信賴的產品,這也是他的經營理念和想法。 台南孔廟巡禮:http://7002.travel-web.com.tw/ 大台南旅遊網:http://tainan.travel-web.com.tw/ 引用【大台灣旅遊網 TTNews 邱偉?商務中心菕j  .

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          生活智慧:衣服髒汙》清除醬油漬、茶漬、湯漬 衣服不小心沾到茶、醬油、鐵鏽…如果第一時間?房地產陵觸M除,心愛的衣服還是 商務中心可以恢復原狀喔。  你的愛衣,需要緊急 會場佈置搶救!出門在外,常常不小心弄髒衣服,怎麼辦? 還有?個人信貸A別以為待在家裡就沒事,沒聽過「無事家中坐,禍從天上來」嗎? 你愛惜的?面膜蝒哄A不小心沾到髒東西時,先別大呼小叫,只要定下心,善用周遭環境的小物,一般棉質及混紡?代償蝒哄A就能在第一時間去除髒汙喔! 消滅醬油漬 現今上班族工作繁重,任何時間都是匆匆忙忙、急急躁躁,連吃個飯?房屋買賣A恐怕都是狼吞虎嚥。吃水餃時,萬一衣服不小心沾上醬油──天哪哪哪!上班的衣服耶,髒了等下回公司不是很難看? 有些 酒店打工餐館會順便販售碳酸飲料,此時可選擇「無色碳酸飲料」,朝沾上醬油的地方淋下去。再輕輕搓洗。 清除茶漬 清除湯漬 【聯合報/記者藍珮瑜/報導 烤肉食材 記者徐世經、陳立凱/攝影】 .msgcontent .wsharing ul li { text-indent: 0; } 分享 Facebook Plurk YAHOO! 酒店兼職  .

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